Global Affairs Session 78 14 August 2026

TÜRKİYE AND ARABS — A LONG COMPLICATED STORY

A long, complicated story

Türkiye and the Arabs share centuries of history, but shared history does not automatically create shared interests. From Ottoman rule to nationalism, from Atatürk to Erdoğan, and from Syria to Saudi Arabia, theirs remains a long, complicated story.

History frame Overview Geography terms Constantinople Leaders Ottoman shadow Atatürk Erdoğan Kurdish question Foreign affairs Regional order

Türkiye and Arabs

Türkiye’s relationship with the Arab world is shaped by centuries of Ottoman rule, the collapse of empire, and the rise of a secular republic under Atatürk.

Today, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan leads a more assertive regional power active in Syria, Iraq, Libya and the Gulf. Ankara balances NATO ties with Russia, Iran and China, while rebuilding relations with Saudi Arabia.

Its politics combine elections, strong presidential authority, nationalism, Islam, security concerns and economic ambition today.

Türkiye and the Arabs share centuries of history, but shared history does not automatically create shared interests. From Ottoman rule to nationalism, from Atatürk to Erdoğan, and from Syria to Saudi Arabia, theirs remains a long, complicated story.

Thrace, Ionia, Anatolia, Cappadocia, Asia Minor

• Thrace: The southeastern European region where its easternmost section, East Thrace, forms the European foothold of modern Turkey.
• Ionia: An ancient, prosperous coastal territory along western Turkey that served as a foundational hub for early Greek philosophy, science, and architecture.
• Anatolia: The vast, central peninsula that makes up the Asian portion of modern Turkey, historically serving as a major crossroads of civilizations.
• Cappadocia: A rugged, historical district in central Anatolia famous globally for its volcanic “fairy chimney” rock formations and ancient underground cities.
• Asia Minor: The classical Greco-Roman geographical designation for the Anatolian peninsula, highlighting its position as the westernmost projection of Asia.

Constantinople

Byzantium began as a Greek colony around the 7th century BCE, strategically located on the Bosphorus between Europe and Asia, later coming under Roman control.

Constantine I transformed the city in 330 CE, making it the new capital of the Roman Empire and developing it into “New Rome,” which later became known as Constantinople.

The Byzantine Empire reached a major golden age, especially under Justinian I, with achievements such as Hagia Sophia, the Theodosian Walls, Roman law codification, scholarship, naval strength and Greek Fire.

Centuries of internal conflict, Crusades and territorial losses weakened Byzantium. The Fourth Crusade captured and plundered Constantinople in 1204; although Byzantine rule was restored in 1261, the empire continued to shrink until Mehmed II conquered Constantinople in 1453.

Under the Ottomans, Constantinople became a major imperial and Islamic centre, filled with mosques, palaces, markets and a diverse population. After the creation of the Republic of Turkey in 1923, modernization and secular reforms reshaped the city, and Istanbul developed into the modern metropolis and international hub seen today.

Türkiye leaders in 21st century

• From empire to republic: Türkiye moved from the late Ottoman monarchy to a republican system after the War of Independence, with the Sultanate abolished in 1922 and the Republic proclaimed in 1923.
• Atatürk and early republic: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk became the first president in 1923, beginning a long period of political and institutional transformation.
• Parliamentary era and military interventions: From 1923 to 2018, Türkiye mainly operated under a parliamentary system, while also experiencing major military interventions, especially in 1960 and 1980.
• Erdoğan’s long political dominance: Recep Tayyip Erdoğan served as prime minister from 2003 to 2014 and then became president in 2014, making him one of the longest-serving and most influential leaders in modern Turkish history.
• Erdoğan and the executive presidency: In 2018, Türkiye formally shifted from a parliamentary system to an executive presidential system, abolishing the prime minister’s office and greatly strengthening the presidency. Erdoğan remained president through 2026.

The Ottoman shadow: where the story begins

For centuries, Turks and Arabs lived within the same imperial system. The Ottoman Empire ruled large parts of the Arab Middle East, including territories corresponding to modern Syria, Iraq and other Arab regions.

But Ottoman rule did not erase Arab identity. Arabs retained their languages, local traditions, religious institutions and regional loyalties even while being governed from Istanbul.

The relationship was therefore never simply “Turks versus Arabs.” It involved imperial administration, local elites, religion, trade, taxation, military power and shifting political loyalties.

The Ottoman Sultan also held the title of Caliph, giving Istanbul religious importance across much of the Sunni Muslim world.

The collapse of the Ottoman Empire transformed the relationship. Former imperial territories gradually became separate states, while Turkish nationalism and Arab nationalism developed along different political trajectories.

That imperial memory still matters. Some see Ottoman history as a period of shared civilisation; others remember domination, centralisation and unequal power. Modern Turkish-Arab relations therefore carry a historical emotional burden.

Atatürk breaks with the Ottoman past

Modern Türkiye emerged from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk led the Turkish War of Independence and proclaimed the Republic of Turkey on 29 October 1923.

The new republic deliberately moved away from the Ottoman political order. The Sultanate disappeared, and the Caliphate was abolished in 1924.

Atatürk introduced sweeping secular reforms. Ottoman and Islamic legal structures were replaced extensively by European-derived legal codes and institutions.

Türkiye therefore developed differently from many Arab states. Its ruling elite emphasised Turkish nationalism, secularism, state-building and a Western-oriented institutional framework.

For decades, Ankara looked more toward Europe than toward the Arab world. Relations with neighbouring Arab societies remained important, but they were no longer the centre of Turkish political identity.

This created a lasting tension in Turkish identity: Is Türkiye principally European, Middle Eastern, Muslim, Turkic, Mediterranean or all of these at once? That question still shapes its foreign policy.

Erdoğan brings Türkiye back into Arab politics

Under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Türkiye has become a much more visible and assertive actor across the Middle East.

Ankara is now deeply involved in Syria and Iraq, where security, Kurdish armed groups, borders, refugees and regional influence overlap.

Libya became another important theatre. Türkiye demonstrated that it was willing to use diplomatic, military and strategic tools far beyond its immediate borders.

Qatar developed into a particularly close Arab partner, reflecting Türkiye’s willingness to build strong bilateral relationships even when Gulf states were divided among themselves.

Relations with Saudi Arabia, once highly strained, have improved dramatically, showing Ankara’s capacity to move from confrontation toward pragmatic cooperation.

Türkiye therefore does not have one single “Arab policy.” Its relations vary from country to country according to security, ideology, trade, leadership interests and regional competition.

Syria, Iraq and the Kurdish question

Syria is central to Türkiye’s Arab-world strategy. What happens there directly affects Turkish borders, refugees, terrorism concerns and the Kurdish question.

The Kurds are an ethnic group spread across Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran. In Turkey, conflict centers on Kurdish identity, political rights, autonomy demands, and the PKK’s armed insurgency against Ankara.

Türkiye strongly opposes armed Kurdish organisations it considers linked to the PKK, even when some Kurdish forces have received Western support against extremist groups.

This has repeatedly complicated Türkiye’s relationship with the United States, despite both countries being NATO allies.

Iraq is equally important. Turkish security operations, Kurdish politics, energy links and cross-border trade make Iraq a permanent strategic concern for Ankara.

The Kurdish conflict has shaped Turkish domestic politics for decades and has also influenced how Türkiye intervenes beyond its borders.

The 2026 legislation facilitating the PKK’s disbandment could mark a historic turning point. If the process endures, it may substantially reshape Türkiye’s domestic security landscape and alter its strategic relations with Iraq and Syria.

Friends, rivals and strategic balancing

• United States: Türkiye has been a NATO member since 18 February 1952, making it a formal Western military ally with Article 5 commitments.
• Yet the alliance is frequently strained by disputes over Syria, Kurdish forces, defence procurement and Türkiye’s acquisition of the Russian S-400 system.
• Russia: Turkish-Russian relations combine rivalry and cooperation. The two powers compete in places such as Syria and Libya while cooperating in areas including energy and diplomacy.
• Iran: Türkiye and Iran are historic regional competitors, but they also maintain pragmatic engagement because neither can ignore the other.
• China: Economic relations are growing. Türkiye seeks trade and investment opportunities with Beijing and is an SCO dialogue partner, while remaining outside full SCO and BRICS membership.
• The larger pattern is clear: Türkiye does not want to depend completely on any one power centre. It remains inside NATO while simultaneously building room for manoeuvre with Russia, China, Iran and major Arab states.

Türkiye, the Arabs and the new regional order

Türkiye today wants to be more than a bridge between East and West; it increasingly seeks to operate as an independent regional power centre.

Its relationship with Arab countries mixes history, Islam, nationalism, economic interests, security competition and strategic partnerships.

Domestically, Türkiye remains constitutionally secular, although Sunni Islam has substantial social influence and the state-run Diyanet administers religious affairs.

Politically, Türkiye shifted from a parliamentary to a presidential system in 2018, substantially concentrating executive authority in the presidency.

Economically, Türkiye’s strength comes from a diversified base of manufacturing, services, construction, agriculture and tourism, giving it more strategic weight than many purely commodity-dependent economies.

The future Turkish-Arab relationship will therefore neither be a return to the Ottoman Empire nor a simple rivalry. It will be a transactional, competitive and cooperative relationship in which history remains alive but national interests increasingly decide the outcome.

Value addition

Glossary and related terms

Thrace

A historical region in southeastern Europe whose eastern portion forms the European part of modern Türkiye.

Ionia

An ancient coastal region of western Anatolia associated with early Greek philosophy, science, trade and architecture.

Anatolia

The large peninsula forming most of the Asian territory of modern Türkiye and a historic crossroads between Europe and Asia.

Cappadocia

A historical region in central Anatolia known for volcanic rock formations, underground settlements and long civilisational continuity.

Asia Minor

The classical geographical name commonly used for the Anatolian peninsula, the westernmost major extension of Asia.

Ottoman Empire

A multi-ethnic empire centred in Istanbul that ruled large parts of southeastern Europe, West Asia and North Africa for several centuries.

Caliphate

An institution of political and religious leadership in the Muslim world; the Ottoman Caliphate was abolished by Türkiye in 1924.

Secularism

A political principle under which state institutions and law are formally organised separately from direct religious authority.

Executive presidential system

A system in which executive authority is concentrated in an elected president; Türkiye formally adopted this structure in 2018.

PKK

The Kurdistan Workers’ Party, an armed Kurdish organisation whose long conflict with the Turkish state has shaped domestic and regional security policy.

Kurdish question

The interconnected political, cultural, security and autonomy issues concerning Kurdish populations across Türkiye, Iraq, Syria and Iran.

NATO

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization, a collective-defence alliance that Türkiye joined in 1952.

S-400 system

A Russian-built air-defence missile system whose purchase by Türkiye became a major source of tension with its NATO allies.

Strategic autonomy

The capacity of a state to preserve freedom of action by avoiding excessive dependence on any single alliance or external power.

Diyanet

Türkiye’s state-run Directorate of Religious Affairs, which administers and coordinates many aspects of Sunni Islamic religious life.

Regional power centre

A state that seeks independent influence over the politics, security and economics of its surrounding region.

Transactional relationship

A relationship driven mainly by changing interests, practical bargains and issue-specific cooperation rather than permanent alignment.

Value addition

Conceptual references

• The geography and historical identities of Thrace, Ionia, Anatolia, Cappadocia and Asia Minor.
• The transformation from the Ottoman imperial order to the secular Republic of Türkiye under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.
• Türkiye’s shift from a parliamentary system to an executive presidential system under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
• The Kurdish question, the PKK conflict and their effects on Türkiye’s policies toward Syria and Iraq.
• Türkiye’s strategic balancing among NATO, Russia, Iran, China and major Arab states.
• The continuing interaction of Ottoman memory, nationalism, religion, trade and security in Turkish-Arab relations.